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  1. The Comedies of Aristophanes, vol. 1 - Online Library of Liberty
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If so, it is solely on account of their own actions that are merely reported on as they truthfully happened. The chips are allowed to fall where they may. The reader is welcome to arrive at their own conclusions. The incidents depicted are for entertainment, amusement, and protective purposes only. They are not portrayed with the intent of helping to promote methods, actions, or devices which assist others in breaking the law. This is not a handbook to be used as a guide meant to be put into practical use.

It does not encourage breaking laws. Each individual has the responsibility to make up his or her own mind as to whether or not to do so, or even how far they wish to go to even the score, if they in their own mind of their free will even choose to do so at all. Likewise, this material is not advising, recommending, inducing, counseling, commanding, cajoling, organizing, procuring, soliciting, aiding, abetting, instigating, inciting, enticing, assisting, promoting, teaching, endorsing, or advocating anyone to break any laws, produce imminent lawless action, or willfully cause the commission of any offense or crime.

It is not treasonous and is against the overthrow of the government and anyone who endeavors to persuade anyone to engage in such conduct. It merely is actively against the abusive actions of certain members employed by, or working on behalf of, that government. Nothing here is intended to obstruct justice in any way. On the contrary, our goal is merely to bring real justice for all concerned. Nor is any conspiracy taking place as defined by conspiracy laws as no one is together agreeing to cooperate or engage in criminal activity together.

Although this book is about revenge, the author expressly disclaims responsibility for any adverse effects arising from the use of techniques described within. Neither the author nor the publisher assumes any responsibility for the use or misuse of information contained in this book or for any infringements of rights of third parties that may arise from the use of any information in this book or from the ideas portrayed in its stories.

Under no circumstances, including negligence, will the author or the publisher assume any liabilities, or be liable to anyone, for any incidental, special, or consequential damages of any kind that may result from the information contained herein, its use, or non-use, even if the writer has been advised of the possibly of such damages. It is sold for entertainment purposes only. Be warned.

The publication of dirty tricks such as these should not be construed as prima facie evidence that the author supports or condemns the ideas therein, in whole or part, nor that those ideas represent the personal views of the author in all cases. Freedom of the press in this country was founded on the concept of the citizenry making informed decisions through an open marketplace of ideas. May the best ideas win. While it is not my intention to encourage illegal behavior, I do invite public support for the problem in hopes the judicial system will reconsider their abusive actions.

In the meantime, the only authority my opinions have are the value that a growing assortment of individuals are adopting similar opinions towards judicial abuse. Truly, the judicial system is in deep doo doo! Anything we can do to prevent these injustices benefits not only the individual victim s , but all of society. There, that should make judicial personnel cringe at the thought they cannot prosecute me for a not-extensive-enough disclaimer. Every attempt has been made to avoid violating the law in all wording contained in this book.

All such statements I make are to be considered conditional statements. Conditional on the assumption that they are legal to say without breaking any laws. My specific intention is to obey the law in all behavior, words, and writings for the remainder of my life. Due to the complexities of our legal system though, I could conceivably do, say, or write something I do not know is illegal. If so, consider it inadvertent and corrected as soon as I become aware of it.

If, due to my carelessness, it has, it is purely accidental and not intentional in any way. If that were illegal, many shows would be off the air. There is nothing unconstitutional or illegal about expressing opinions we may have in a free enterprise democratic system. This is the United States of America where the First Amendment of our Constitution allows us to have our own opinions and beliefs.

This booklet is filled with opinions and beliefs of not only the author, but of the many people confidentially interviewed in the process of research. As a consultant to the judicially abused, the author freely gives his opinions and ideas to anyone interested, whether they are a victim of abuse or not.

I believe it, and I say it. Deal with it! To the reader it will appear the author reasonably knows what he is writing about and has put a lot of research into his work to make it legal to distribute. Boo hoo judicial system. Cry your eyes out. Gates can say that drug dealers should be shot and not get in trouble; and if radio talk show host, and convicted felon, G.

So boo hoo again! Besides, freedom of speech protects not only that which the majority agrees, but also the minority. Our country was built upon many ideas, one of which was freedom of speech. While laws and morals vary among countries and, indeed, among people living within those countries, most people ultimately want the same thing. The ability to live their lives as best they can, without hurting others in the process or being hurt in return.

Keep that in mind as you live your own life. God bless the First Amendment! This can include, but is not limited to: judges, district attorneys, U. Customs personnel, and all the numerous support people associated with these and other organizations not mentioned. Nothing in my wording is intended to be a threat of any kind, but rather my statements are merely words of advice on expected proper conduct judicial personnel should adopt and follow. It should also be mentioned my sample draft included the following statement:. Various judicial personnel who were sent, or in some way provided with, a copy of my early booklet included: Manhattan Beach Police Department; Municipal Court Judge William G.

Quill Dr. Gregory W. Hupp; Mr. David L. Besides these judicial personnel, a private citizen, Mrs. Margaret A. Reeves of Manhattan Beach was also sent a copy in December Clearly, the legality of my wording in that sample passed with flying colors. I offer my thanks for the time they put in in reviewing my work. Since that time though, extensive material has been added and my disclaimer has been expanded greatly to cover my ass from all possible judicial attacks. To those so inclined I say you should have thought about the possibility of repercussions by me before you violated me especially those who knew I was so inclined and you should be more concerned about smoothing over my ruffled feathers rather than ruffling them up to a point beyond any hope of smoothing them over ever again.

Get your priorities on the right thing people. You have the advantage of hindsight again. The only major change since that first trial version, other than length, is that I have been able to strengthen the manuscript and sharpen my position particularly in response to how much more serious of a threat they really are to us all , with the result that the book is, I believe, a much better presentation. Because this work is on computer and can be updated frequently I leave an open invitation to anybody to explain why they did what they did, and I promise I will retype their side of the story word for word and include it in the very next reprint.

No one can do everything, but each of us can do something. Each of us counts. We live in the society we allow to continue. We need to help others like ourselves understand the importance of these issues. We need to take active steps to safeguard each of us victims from the moment the abuse is first afflicted upon us until its last and final vestiges are resolved to our satisfaction. We need to create appropriate restrictions on our abusers in order to limit the damage these insensitive folks are capable of creating.

We need to spotlight the absurdities in the judicial system if we are ever going to have a chance at eliminating them. We need action now! The inequalities and injustices can be changed. We all have it within our power to make it better for us, or at least keep it from getting worse. With unity, this can be accomplished.

Just remember, these things happen to us because we allow them to happen. We have the ultimate responsibility to determine our fate. Remember that folks. While the tragedy of child abuse is a current hot item of discussion, we need to raise the consciousness about the tragedy and cost of judicial abuse.

Costs, of course, consisting of emotional, physical, and financial. We need to help them begin to adopt enlightened policies to ward off retaliations in their various forms. Most people are humble enough to realize that the good of society at large must be preferred to the individual good. Unfortunately, most do not see that treating the individual with more care will be for the good of society. Now is the time to lay the groundwork to sensitize others to the plight we face. Have the courage of your convictions. If you really believe in something; act upon it. The time has come for us to branch out.

We need a mild non-violent rebellion. If enough of us takes offense and acts upon it something can be done. More of us need to take these abuses on a personal level. The few of us currently involved in counteracting them are not enough. We must be conscious of our own united strength, because until we become so, we can never rebel. We need to breed awareness to save ourselves.

Keep in mind that abusive practices are most often only changed when challenged. Punch holes in their kind of reasoning. Pop their bubble. Give them their wake-up call. Emphasize the issues of economics, which sway votes of every town council and county supervisor, to anyone who will look bad if our responses happen. Let them know a little consideration now may be a small cost to pay for the safety of society later.

Now is the time to use the only weapon we have. Figuratively and literally if possible wave a scolding finger in their face. We need to make our oversized bureaucracies sensitive to community problems and the need for fair and equitable policies by judicial system personnel, particularly with regard to the times they handle individuals that are inclined to be outraged by impropriety. This may strike real fear into those who are doing just fine personally with the current state of affairs.

Expect that. History demonstrates that justice is sometimes slow to prevail for the proponents of unorthodox ideas. Much can be done though. Someday, if we keep up the pressure, the heat will die down and others will be alert to the inconsistencies in current abusive ideas. Eventually truth will prevail, but only if we keep our efforts in their faces. Somebody has to put a checks and balances on them. Somebody has to muzzle them. These changes are a lot easier to live with than the alternate repercussions that come up for air.

Opposition to our views are really just a symptom of a larger problem that should be the real focus of attention. Ultimately, the world will adjust to these changes just as it did to many others in the past. What is so bad is that through the years, so many of us have just put up with this belittling kind of behavior as if it were normal.

Yes, there are many of us that have been victimized. Judicial-abuse victims are about as rare as a pigeon in a city park. Sometimes slogans, images, platitudes, and half-truths make us accept the political and social status quo as natural. Ideology blinds us to material circumstances. It may have seemed normal that inequality is an unalterable law of human life. This doctrine is, of course, false. There is a perception among the general public, fueled by media reports sponsored by politicians, that get tough policies must be more firmly established. Our viewpoint, obviously, differs here too.

This perception operates on the level that the general public genuinely believes that the more these policies are in effect, the safer they will be in the long run. People become desensitized to the violation of civil rights for a non-favored group if the violations happen so regularly that they seem normal and therefore morally right. Worse yet, these abuses are often defended by people in high political positions who consider themselves enlightened and progressive. Tragically, some of these officials have been known to do something for self-interest reasons, that is actually less good or beneficial for society in general, than our actions have been.

Then when discovered, they may be given a mere slap on the wrist in relation to what one of us would be given for doing something of a nearly equivalent nature or, more tragically, some of these scoundrels are even immune from criminal prosecution altogether. Then there are the times that there is so much support for some kinds of actions of behavior that everyone is literally blinded to the fact of how wrong and damaging these things really are. Why does the judicial heart have so many dark places? I wonder how some people can sleep at night.

These kinds of actions are reflective of what I would deem an increasingly simplistic attitude toward the real world. Perhaps the issue of apathy should be examined more closely. Whose age is it? And who made it so? The judicial system. They actually expected their subjects to bow to their every whim and accept whatever they dealt out as if it were normal. They actually expected no one would have the courage to buck the status quo. They actually expected they would come out the winner. Not too hip are they? While this range of thinking may have had some benefit in the past, it is shortsighted and economically harmful today.

Being blinded to how wrong and damaging some things really are is not limited to judicial matters. It was much the same with the environment. For years we polluted our air and trashed our dumps with no concern for the future. We kept throwing stuff in our dumps thinking it was a big bottomless hole that will never fill up. The same goes for judicial abuse. The judicial system can be a wonderful thing in the right context, but it is also merciless and without foresight on too many occasions.

We better! We need to make people look at us as real legitimate victims with just as much vigor as they look at those other victims. After all, the definition of a victim is a person who has had something wrong done to them. That fits us all in. Will they let it get that bad? Finding a place on the political agenda requires feasible solutions.

More radical solutions may be in order if just planning fails to become part of the political decision making. Otherwise, even the most minor kinds presents a pretty unusual and horrible picture. In fact, a different type of setup will be able to work better. This is our goal here, to see that different setup instituted. A massive crucifixion is going on in the form of a serious plague, rivaling in its intensity any plague of the Middle Ages.

Amid all the suffering there is a mass hysteria and fear that leads to persecution and hideous injustice by the community at large. The more evidence we present, the more obstinate they become. They appear just like a big machine with no off button. How else to enslave free people. Any preaching or teaching that turns its back on the future and promotes dishonesty and prejudice is a sick philosophy. You know, past efforts at legal reform have often brought forth the irrational contention that ex-offenders do more harm to society than a person who has never come to the attention of the judicial system.

And the more severe legal penalties imposed on those who have offended in the past testify to the effectiveness of that sick contention. They can only own you if they screw you over and you let them! Take your power back! Be your own person! If they want to play God they should practice His love and compassion first. No matter where, or from whom, judicial abuse raises its head and unmasks its ugly face we need to be ready to chop it off. We must stand up to this infringement of our freedom.

We must put a stop to this and other governmental abuses of our freedom before we become a society not worth living in. They must understand it is not O. And it is not O. They must be held to the same standards of conduct as we would be and punished the same as we would be for the same crime. Keeping the country lawful does not entitle them to become lawless. They need to be taught this with all the force and vigor we can muster! As a country that advocates for human rights for others, make sure we get ours! When social structures oppress human dignity and freedom and maintain situations of gross inequality, the persons who share life within these situations also share responsibility for allowing them to continue.

There is a need and an obligation to undertake a process of consciousness-raising, whereby these injustices and the structures that support them can be identified. Education will awaken a critical sense, which will lead us to reflect on the society in which we live and on its values; it will make people ready to renounce these values when they cease to promote justice for all people. If we remain silent, we are guilty of passive abuse. That, and interfering with the natural and truthful growth of another human being are the real sins.

Let us not allow another generation to grow up tied to a primitive fantasy that we are worthy unfairness and these abuses are par for the course. Never again should we be content to suffer prejudice and injustice passively. Remember, the non-caring values toward ex-offenders that are taught today will affect future generations. We must not let them win this because of our silence and lack of action. We need to heed the call to action and put constraints on their abuses and muzzle their mouths. We must band together and make sure those responsible are exposed in all possible ways.

If they are aggravated in the process, then all the better. The Jewish community actively educates people about the sufferings they endured during World War II so society is never again permitted to commit such atrocities. And in regular grade school history classes children are now taught about the holocaust during their studies of that period. Yet how many know that criminal offenders are subjected to abusive and unfair tactics to this day? Why do teachers leave this aspect of truth out of their lesson plans? Is it because we are not speaking up as the Jewish community is?

Is it because to textbook authors or teachers we are a people not worth mentioning any more than they have to? If this is the case, it is giving a bad image to the students who have offenders in their family and that is a dangerous practice. The moral is we have to speak up; to get the word out. The tragedy that happened to us is just as important and worth mentioning. As a group we can change what we cannot and should not accept. The decision is yours; you can accept the abuse or take action on your own.

Did you ever get the feeling that somebody was jerking your chain? Well you can! In a smaller way, those too shy about mentioning judicial abuse issues directly can still speak positively about differences, appreciation, compassion, and acceptance of people in general. An ex-offender teacher I know, fearful of losing his job, emphasizes these admirable qualities to his students but goes no further about discussing people considered lower down on the totem pole. Every little bit helps. There are enough rough areas of life not to add any excess baggage. Such destructive teachings must cease.

Women may still not be able to vote and black slavery may have been a common late 20 th century practice. The insights derived from these movements have rendered us all sensitive to the depersonalized and unequal status of these citizens in our culture. Take a stand!

Shake it up! Onward to equality and fairness for everybody! Some only suffer from human stupidity and frailty. And those that are evil animals to some degree each have their own personality; some are just meaner than others. They just get caught up in something they believe in.

We need to intimidate them back into the woodwork. We need to depose such destructive leaders. The political will that is needed to implement the necessary changes will come from the individual resolve within each of us.

The Comedies of Aristophanes, vol. 1 - Online Library of Liberty

As individuals, we can provide leadership in helping others change their abusive ways. This small step alone can add up to nationwide and maybe even worldwide change. Institutions, from near and far are only as good as each and every one of their constituents. All great accomplishments have a simple beginning. We may be small as a grain of sand, but together we can make a difference, and the grain of sand can become a moving force that will save us.

Never doubt that a small group of concerned people can change the world. Slowly we will be able to shine bright in the firmament of human-kind as we expose abusive teachings and actions for what they truly are and resolve to never again accept them in any form. Many rights were gained by other minority groups who came before us only because someone refused to accept defeat.

All we have to do is refuse to give up or give in. Actually many may support our viewpoint presented here, but would not publicly admit it because of fear of rejection and being branded.

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They have committed themselves to their viewpoint so strong and have gathered so much support. Because of that, they work to subtly justify their preconceived ideas at any cost rather than acknowledge possibly damaging facts that would hurt their cause. What is so bad is they will pronounce moral judgment on us when we lash back at their misbehavior they actually expected us to blindly accept without a whimper.

That those of us lower down the judicial totem pole actually have the courage to fight back for the fairness due us has them perplexed, so off guard do we sometimes catch them. Our judicial system is in the uncomfortable position of counting on nothing short of actually expecting us to accept and walk away from unfair kinds of actions. Experience is slowly beginning to tell us that this is an unreasonable expectation. Forecasts seem to indicate that our most costly disasters are yet to come. The utmost challenge should be to plan for the inevitable breakdowns and make sure those guilty are held accountable for the reactions they cause.

Within the infrastructure of the judicial system must be built ways to work with these kinds of reactions in mind. It is the kind of scenario judicial-system experts should fear most. Breakdowns such as this have focused new attention on a largely unspoken apprehension; the potential for sudden and ruinous failure even in seemingly well-monitored judicial districts. While the judicial system has matured predictably into a more complex state, the defendants at the low end of the totem pole are still an untamed beast. As we demonstrate, even one minor oversight can bring an otherwise robust system to its knees.

Hopefully our study here will be thorough enough to prompt those of a conservative inclination that there is no legitimate reason to continue their oppressive attitudes toward other people. They can use their time more wisely if they were to direct their energies toward something that would lead to positive rather than negative changes in society. Positive teaching is teaching fairness and respect for all people, whether they are criminal offenders or not. Black slaves had to band together and by doing so they were freed. We too must band together and no longer let anyone rip us off.

If enough of us speak out, we can stop the abuse. If we all have the same response for our perpetrator s they will then have to comply. We just need to stick together. By lack of protest we tacitly support these kinds of actions.

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Silence from us is interpreted as though we approve of our treatment and that is surely not the message we want to send. With strong support we can bring real pressure upon others to maintain a reasonable level of fairness and propriety. Reaching our ultimate goal will require bold and even somewhat unorthodox steps.

Sometimes it is the unorthodox that advances our civilization. We must all do our part to enlighten and educate those less informed that fairness is on a continuum with the best interests for all concerned. Other methods are proving cheaper and probably just as effective, if not more so. Political agendas and the personal philosophies of a general insensitive and uninformed public are to be blamed for the spread of an acceptance of harsh and disparate sentences in too many cases throughout the country, rather than any current evidence to see if the approach works.

Too much emphasis is placed on harshness, and too little on the basic rights of minor criminals. Jail, prison, harsh fines, or confiscations should not be such a common remedy so often. While actions such as these may be designed to limit criminal conduct, in far far too many cases we are seeing they are having the opposite effect.

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  • By overlooking the enormous hidden costs, these single-minded tactics are a threat to all of us. As we can see, they sometimes do not uphold the law nor create order. Those who propose these methods are missing the point of reality. What will it take to convince some people? We spend too much of our time focusing on the events of the moment that have no lasting significance and ignore long-lasting events that are going to affect people in the long-range future.

    When will that backward thinking change? Some will not believe the sun rises in the morning until someone proves it to then empirically. The fact that legislators have lobbied these policies into existence is sad. Even sadder is that people institute them knowing full well the problems they cause.

    Let our responses be a wake-up call against others pouring money into such logic. Without a systematic change in attitude, we can look forward to more lashing out and more meaningless apologies. The judicial system has been concerned and is actively campaigning to improve various aspects of society. While they are fighting their fight, the pressures of revenge are subverting their efforts from unseen directions.

    The reduction of those things that bring these tendencies to the surface should be the one single most important aspect on the anti-abuse movement. When we saw the movies Speed and Blown Away in prison a few years ago some inmates were particularly intrigued with the techniques involved, one especially when he heard a bomb could be made with baking soda.

    And in the movie The Specialist with Sylvester Stallone in inmates liked and cheered the revenge aspect of each act of explosive vengeance. How many of us have the particular psychological profile of a bomber or serial something? How many of us are far enough from that point but become closer after getting kicked in the teeth over and over by the judicial system? Think about it folks! Is this get tough crap really protecting society or is it just delaying an explosive outcome a few years down the line when it can have time to gain strength?

    Think, think hard folks. And when inmates found out that the bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma City on April 19, was in retaliation for Waco some of them were especially happy. While such disasters are a tragedy, the government has to be aware that when they continually screw people over and over without any amount of acceptance of responsibility things such as these are going to happen from time to time. Yes, there were innocent victims of that bombing.

    However, it was our government aggression that drew first blood and forced such a tragic event. Regrettable as it was, such consequences should serve as a warning to the judicial system. The major thesis of this commentary is that this nation does not now need more severe punishments. It does need new thinking, especially with respect to the unnecessary enormous quantity of pain and suffering they are causing. It does need to recognize the danger from a national perspective and initiate a program that will factor it into the equation.

    Our present independent American judicial system will need help as they have been unable to sustain any real commitment to alternative courses of action. We seek to be a voice of reason in our crusade for a healthy, fair, and bountiful earth. A different standard of justice needs to be instituted. If we really want people to uphold the law we must help stop the stampede of Orwellian officials who use methods that may not be the most appropriate, fair, or wise. This includes every person involved with the judicial system that the defendant comes in contact with, from the first arresting officer on day one, court personnel as they proceed through the court processes, prison staff once they are sentenced, and all the way through parole or supervising officers up to their last day on supervision.

    Fairness in our judicial system must not become merely legal fiction taught to students in grade school. If this were to happen, anarchy would result. Justice is a full course meal, not merely an appetizer giving partial satisfaction. And that is what this country and its laws have been all about since the days of our Founding Fathers. That logic must not elude us. Can there be a wide perspective of recognition of the problem and a nationwide effort before the damage is irretrievably done? With the various vested interests in get-tough policies riding comfortable in the saddle and the difficulty of showing the dangers of getting tough on a cause and effect short-term basis, a change of direction seems an exceedingly difficult task.

    Truly, we must concentrate on the long-term effect. How will the offender act upon release from confinement? We need to raise the alarms now. Other issues are secondary. Advocates from the get-tough camp will quote studies that the cost of new prisons is more than offset by the savings from the crimes that are prevented. We should do what we can to prove that statement wrong. So, clearly, it is not as much a question of funds as priorities. The judicial bureaucracy of our Founding Fathers was a trailblazer in the latter part of the 18 th century, a road-builder in the 19 th and much of the 20 th , but today it can be more closely compared to a trucking company and we are the items that get warehoused or shoved aside with no say whatsoever.

    Once a bureaucracy loses its sense of mission it becomes more evil than good. Bureaucracies may be a necessary evil, but they have a characteristic life cycle that seems to guarantee that eras of creativity and innovation are inevitably followed by periods of stagnation and stupidity. With the proper amount of encouragement, our current institutional myopia we are suffering from can cycle back to a more enlightened direction.

    Misused human intelligence got us into this mess; with the advantage of hindsight it can also get us out! When they do, it can be very costly, in both financial and human terms, for the public. In many cases it is also embarrassing for officials when the public finds out why it happens and how easily it could have been prevented with just a little more care, consideration, and sensitivity on the part of authorities. Too often, authorities are at a loss to explain what brought the lashing out to the surface in the first place, and are then surprised when they are told what caused it.

    The current crop of political officials, judicial personnel, and those tough-minded people seem to be the only ones who are totally blind to the fact that retribution is quite likely to occur in some instances. Truly, politicians and the general public are short-sighted in endorsing these current policies. They are a far more costly alternative than is necessary.

    Obviously, they should be thoroughly reconsidered. This has to be factored into the loop and considered before any more actions are taken. What goes around, comes around. They put it out; you throw it on back. We also need to be brave and always trust your self this because if we not brave enough to do something and not trust your self it will make you fell more nervous and not do the speaking well. To sum up,just be brave and trust yourself it will make your nervous less and you can enjoy your public speaking. Nervous is a normal feeling that all people have.

    When we stand in front of an audience, nervousness can make us freeze on the stage and make our speaking shutter. But, to be an excellent speaker we must know how to control our nervous by get prepared and think positive. First of all, before being a speaker out there, we must be ready of what we should say and do.

    We must know how to get audience's attention so that they will listen to us. Examples, we can used jokes and sometimes pressed on some word that is important. Practicing also can be a big help by increasing our confidence level. Next, we should think positive before giving a speech.

    We will feel nervous when standing on the stage, but we have to think that the audience wants the best from us. So,act cool and relax. Take our own time. Positive thinking also can make us believe that we can do public speaking. We'll trust ourselves and do our best as a speaker. Lastly, everyone cannot avoid nervousness. We can try to contol it by get prepared and think positive. Dont get scared and just do it! We must be able to control our nervousness. Mirror mirror on the wall, who's the greatest speaker of us all?

    Must we become the best speaker? Must we have talent to be a speaker? Although some people have thier own talents in giving a wonderful speech, but it doesnt mean that those without talents cant speak. Nervousness will absolutely come when you are giving a speech. Therefore,there must be some particular ways to overcome this common problem in speeching. Firstly, mind concept is very important when u are giving a speech. What is in your minds when u are going to stand up in front,talking to the audience?

    I'm gonna mess up I dunno what to say Well for beginners,maybe it would be like that but this type of thought should not be in our minds. Positive thinking is one of the way to enhance a person to speak better. Our mind should be clear without negative thoughts and also, our success should be imagined in our minds. Besides that, practicing is also an important part to make a proper and great speech.

    Practice alone? It all depends on ones on how to practice speaking.

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    Although, practicing in front of the mirror should be the best way to upgrade your confidence. All that i can say is " talk what u think, and think positively". Public speaking! Before this when I was told to speak in public the feeling of nervous was running in my vein all over my body and I believe everyone felt that before. Stand in front of so many people make me blank and have no idea what should I say or even to think that why I am standing here. I guess you can feel how scared and nervous I am to speak in public. But now I can speak in public not as good as a public speaker but still I speak more fluently and more professional in public then before.

    All this was the hard work of Pn. Zue that train us to believe in ourself that we can do it. And this also come with motivation and all thetalk I had attend. Nervous speakers. Of course everyone use to be a nervous at first. There is no such thing as a perfect speech!! But not to worry because research has shown that many speakers anxiety drop significantly after giving their speech for 30 seconds.

    Even a great celebrity was once a nervous speaker.. Be Rational. Remember fear of public speaking is common. Just because you are a bit nervous does not mean you will not succeed. I mean come on, just that you've lost the battle doesn't mean you've lost the war. So snap out of it. If you want to be a great speaker, you need to build up your confidence. In conclusion, try learn from mistakes and learn from the best.

    Practicing your speech is an important key to success. That it a common thing everyone have to face in public speaking. When i talk in front of the audience, the nervousness come and sometime i can not share the opinion with the audience. There are two way to overcome the nervousness. First,convice youself like say to yourself "YOU can do it". Do not hurt them because they are willing to hear than you. Other than that you can make perfect practice. If you always make practice that's not the problem anymore when you speak in front them. Beside that,think positive with your audience.

    So,the conclusion is if you think you can do it just do the best to become the potential speaker. It is admittedly difficult to stand in front of an audience, and even the most accomplished speakers will admit to nervousness before a speech. In study after study, researchers have found that the fear of public speaking outranks the fear of dying for most. There is no effective way to erase completely this anxiety, but mild anxiety is probably indispensable to a good speech.

    Nervousness will stimulate adequate preparation and provide the surge of energy necessary for a powerful delivery. From as far as I can remember I always had a problem with public speaking. When I saw every one of the faces that were looking at me when I was going to speak an anxiety attack used to hit me. I could not see them eye to eye. What every speaker needs to avoid is a level of nervousness that leads to behavior that diverts the audience's attention. Audiences will rarely find a quavering voice persuasive.

    Nor do they find hand-wringing or fidgeting to be signs of a commited speaker. A speaker should remember that the audience has access only to these outward signs of nervousness. Even a highly nervous speaker can be quite effective as long as he or she suppresses these external manifestations of nervousness There are three common ways that we should know the negative effects of nervous: Depersonalization, Behavior Modification, and Practice Dear Jenny and Nadia, thanks for sharing your thoughts and experience.

    Frankly, i see some drastic development in you as speakers. We still have some time before you present your persuasive speech. We always like an honest speaker Hi Pn Zue Yes i was very very nervous when the first time i did my public speaking I studied hard and memorize everything but the moment i walk forward and stand in front of my class, my nervousness started I lost my confidence and my mind went blank just like that I forget each an every point which i memorized I feel so scared until i couldn't speak out a word also The only thing i did was, i took a deep breath and started to speak out whatever i remembered Besides that, I believe the number one reason why i get nervous while delivering a speech is because, i focus too much on myself.

    While i think about appearing incompetent, i fear it more, until all my thoughts are connected to the fear. Meanwhile, i feel nervous when i imagine myself as a public failure. My mind become full with this unpleasant, mind-created, fearful image of myself. Instead, fill my mind with visions of success, confidence and joy. In brief, be yourself,be honest, be pure, be open, show your vulnerabilities and share your thoughts with the audience even if it sounds awkward. We can learn from the mistakes and at the time we will be more confidence. Salam Pn. Nervousness is the main enemy, when to speak in front.

    Everyone is feeling nervous. That distinguishes them is whether to overcome or vice versa. Why should we be afraid to speak in front? Not difficult to speak. Go in front and talk! I myself have been experiencing the same thing that is nervous. We cannot run away from nervousness because it is human nature. However, we can overcome it. Here there are some tips to share. Firstly, breathe deeply. This method will calm us. Secondly, focus! Do not think your weaknesses. Next, talk with positive thoughts and emotions. Finally, the eye contact. If you are nervous. I am nervous too. Everyone is nervous.

    There is no problem that cannot be completed. Brave and overcome the feeling of nervousness. Nervousness is something basic sentiment that was always happened in each people when they front on something that out of mind. There are a few ways to overcome this situation. When I followed my experience, sentiment of nervousness will happened with my first speech which is impromptu speech. But, after one minute I came out at the front of audience, the nervous will decrease automatically. This is because, I will always think that I give speech at people had know nothing.

    Then I will talk more seriously with excluding the nervous feeling. After that, to throw away the nervousness sentiment, you must always be ready and always do a lot of practice to stolid your speech. For example, you can talk in front of your friends and make sure your friends give some comment about your speech.

    When you do like that, it will improve your speech in the next time. As a good speaker, make sure you have a good confidence and you know what you want to talk about. A good speech will happened when you have done your good effort. Some people dread public speaking even more than death. Most of us live with this fear throughout our lives. Being an underrated skill we fail to get proper guidance to overcome our stage fright. Public speaking is necessary for each one of us irrespective of our age or profession.

    As our self confidence increases, public speaking will become easier. We will be more relaxed, and our nervous tension and self doubt will decrease. The wonderful thing about learning to talk before a group is that the more self confident we become, the better we will be at public speaking, and in turn speaking in public will boost our self confidence. Once we feel comfortable, we can look into finding a group that practices public speaking, or maybe even join a debate club.

    Volunteer at our local library to give presentations on a subject we are expert in, or help campaign for a community cause. Last but not least, I wish to conclude that if our self confidence needs work, do consider learning to speak in public. Public speaking and self confidence are great friends. We must support this relationship, because there is no better feeling than delivering the speech of our life!

    I think everyone been through this stage of life. No one can just go up on stage for the first time and doesn't feel nervous. I still remember my first time speak in front of people. It was when I was form 2 I was force by my Bahasa Malaysia teacher to participate in public speaking and she gave only half and hour for me to prepare a whole speech. Said that I was nervous was under statement. I was mortified. But I did it although I was scared. After that I sworn to myself I'll never do public speaking ever again.

    But then I enter Uniten. It was in your class that you ask Dyana to choose a number and she randomly said number 7 and it was me. I scold her that time for saying that number since I was so nervous to speak in front of people that I just met. It was my first speech after the first ever speech I ever made. I was nervous but I tried to control it a bit. Since I've been in your class I had a few opportunities to talk in front of the class.

    Although I still not that confident but my nervous decrease a bit since the first day of class. To sum up,I think we should be confident in what we going to say and say it like we know more than the others although its the otherwise. And don't think it to much. Just believe that you can do it. Nervous in public speaking is a common matter. Everyone nervous to speak in front of audience and even in front of a small group. Most of the time nervousness does not show at all. Most of the audiences want speakers to be interesting and entertaining.

    Audience will never judge, they just care about getting the information. As a speaker we should deliver our speech confidently and should brave to handle our anxiety. I had prepare it well but when I stand in front and hold the mic to deliver my intro of the speech, my nervousness increase and I cannot even look up and get a eye contact but after a while my anxiety get away from me and I can easily deliver my speech until end of the forum.

    A part from that, we not should care what others will think about us. A speaker should do their own job and try their level best to performance better in front of everyone. The first thing a speaker should do before deliver a speech is take a breath, relax ,be confident, think positive, this may cause a speaker to control their nervousness.

    First time i stand in front of the croud when i was an emcee for school's morning assembly. I was given a text, and i had to ret it. At that time, my sweat wet my face and palm. The heartbeat became faster and louder as loud as i can hear it myself from inner. Suddenly, im became a parkinson. My knee, my hand, my lips also shaky. What am i gonna do next..??

    All my friends noticed that. Im shy most. THEN,i make a drastic decision, i put the microphone on the stand and turn it off, then i turn around, looked at every single eyes of my teachers while breathe in deeper and deeper, until the last person i saw then i hold my breathe. Im turn around back facing the pupils, and i breathe out slow and smoothly around 15 seconds.

    I pray to Allah with my heart to make sure everything going smoothly. How is it?? Firstly, as human beings, we tend to be more afraid of what we don't know. For presenters, the audience is the great unknown. You will wonder: "What do they expect of me? Do they know much more about the subject than I do, etc.? So, we must Convert unknown to known. The more information you gather on the audience and the more intensive your practice session the more the unknown will be converted to known.

    Guard against procrastination, however, because we tend to accomplish what is in our comfort zone, and put off more difficult tasks, such as systematic audience intelligence collection and rigorous practice. Bite the bullet, and you will have those fears of the unknown dramatically reduced.

    Secondly, fear of unanticipated questions. Many people are not worried about making a presentation, because they are "on their turf. To overcome it, seek to anticipate the questions. If you have acquired accurate "intelligence" on the audience's needs, concerns and problems, then you should be able to preempt certain questions in your presentation, anticipate others, and develop succinct answers to others.

    No one expects you to be able to answer every question, but they do expect you to be honest. Don't give a false answer to avoid the embarrassment of saying: "I don't know. When you make the commitment to get the information, remember that you have a moral obligation to do just that for the questioner and perhaps the entire audience. Talk about this topic, I am very sure that everyone in the world will experience it once or more than that. Nervousness is the common thing to speaker even to University student.

    No doubt even world ruler will feel it either little or more. I still remember my first presentation in this semester. That was in CMPF class, that time my lecturer had asked me to present my group assignment. The sigh was the sign I was in nervousness. You know, I always keeping said errr!!!.

    I keeping mentioned it for many times until my class members were laughing at me. Once they were laughing at me, that thing make me became more worse. What a shame to me Nowadays, the thing are the same either students or workers. Nervousness make people in incoherent, even world ruler with face the same thing but little or much that are the measurement. For me, when I facing nervousness in my presentation or my speech and talk I will do something. The ways are, I will move a step forward to gain the audience attention.

    Then, I will mention in my brain that I can do it. That are the things for me to overcome it. No more sigh in the speeches. Believe with yourself and you can make it. S0, do it and grab be when you have the chance to present in front. I'm a nervous-wreck. But especially when it comes to dealing with the public like expressing thoughts, giving comments and criticizing, I usually try to be full of myself for a while to kill the anxiety. So I think I'm gunna stay with that and hopefully my nervousness will just miraculously disappear one day.

    I love speaking and I believe speaking is one of my best attributes. However, my first public speaking experience was a total bummer! My nervousness took over instead and it contributed to an appalling performance and I was discontented with myself as I love speaking. The added confidence in me made me to become a more competent public speaker. Furthermore, a gist of motivation is always needed in order for me lessen my nervousness. The motivation usually comes from within me or I get it from my friends. I believe motivation is an essential factor when it comes to public speaking as it gives me more courage to speak as confidently as possible.

    Besides that, practice comes in handy as to reduce nervousness. Practicing public speaking will facilitate me to not adjourn my speaking attributes. Plus, it truly does help me in my public speaking a whole lot, with my nervousness deteriorating and my speaking becoming more eloquent. As a conclusion, nervousness during public speaking can be halted by having confidence, a little bit of motivation from within or from friends, and with a little bit of practice.


    The nervousness will indisputably come to an end. According to dictionary nervous defined as having or showing feelings of being worried and afraid about what might happen. I'm sure everyone will have that feeling call nervous, event though prime minister, professor, professional public speaker, artist and others.

    There are two ways of reduction our nervous. Firstly, we should have more practice. The more practice we do the well prepared confident level we have. Secondly is self confidence. We must believe that our self can do it no matter how worse we are, because at least we have try our best. So that we can push our self become better and become more confident. Is good we practice now better than we practice when we going to an interview or after getting a job. Believe yourself! Just try an error!

    Frankly, i don't like to talk too much..

    Dear Pn Zue Nervousness is something that im very familiar with. Sometimes when im assigned to give a talk about a particular topic which im nt really sure about,i'll tend to get nervous. I personally realise that when we are confident on something that we do,we wont actually feel the nervousness. I believe that lack of confidence and also lack of self esteem is the main reason why i usually get nervous.

    So from today onwards i'll try my best to raise up my confidence and slf esteem level so that i can do well in my upcoming talks in the public. As a student, i also feel scared to speak in front of the public. I feel like want to poop out on the stage and my legs become wiggly. My mind will blank. There are many ways on how to reduce nervousness such as you can take a deep breath.

    You can repeat doing it until you feel relief. The others way is transforming the nervousness in negative form into what one expert call positive nervousness like enthusiastic and lively feeling with a slight edge to it. Assalamualaikum Pn. Zue, I think nervousness is something that is there when you try something new that could affect your personal life forever. I was nervous on the first day of pre-school, I was nervous when I went out to town by myself and I was nervous when I give a speech.

    For me the only way to overcome it is to manipulate it to motivate myself. Hi Mrs. Zue , This is a wonderful topic to talk about. Nervous happens to all during the time they want to present something in the public during the first time. This also happens to me during the time I was presenting my first impromptu speech in your class , mam. The thing that I learned was we must learn to control our nervousness in front of the public.

    We must think that all the people in front of us are just a doll. That is what u told me Miss during the first time I did my speech. Whatever is it , forget the nervousness and try to speak in front of everyone. Lets make our voice rock and roll in front of the public. I am one of them,I feel shy n lack of confident when standing in front of public.. My first experience was tragic and nervous talk in public I was almost forgotten my ideas and stand as zero.. But actually, I love to speak but i cannot make it when i feel it's going to be hard.

    Besides that, my speking skills and knowledge. I think if we have good speaking skils and knowledge it won't be an obstacles to speak in public.. I still remember the first time my teacher pull my hand to the stage and ask me to speak. I was so nervous and sweating like a heavy rain. But I still do the talk since I'm already there. I still remember the faces of the audience that were trying their best not to laugh at me. And right after done with my speech, I ran to the wash room and vomited. What a history And that was before. That was the first time I came out unwillingly and stand in front of the crowd to speak.

    The first time is always a disaster. Because we are completely immature and lack of experience. And what makes it worst is when we are out of idea! So let me share what did I do to overcome all these problem. First, I started to plan every time I were told to give a speech.

    Organizing your idea is very good especially for the beginners. When we plan, we will have it all in our brain. All we have to do is just write it on a piece of paper and start elaborating. Usually what will you say in front will be so different like what you wrote. It is because you are use to it until the points just came out spontaneously yet brilliantly. Dear speakers, always remember that practice makes perfect. This is undoubtedly proven. When we practice our topic, our speech, our task or whatever, we will be prepared like more than enough.

    So, start practicing now. And last but not least, start reading from now on. No doubt that readings will help you a lot in your speech. To come out with a marvelous, brilliant, amazing, fantastic points is when we start to read. As what my sister,Fatimah always said that reading is a window to wisdom. My sisters and even my mama advised me to read before, but I was too stubborn to realize the benefits. And after that disaster you know what I mean.. And now, I always manage to develop ideas in my head. By that 3 ways, I succeeded to perform my speech way better than before. And trust me, when you already use to it, you don't even need to write much on your small size refer paper.

    You just need the keyword and there you go, sharp, vivid, honest and smart ideas. Nervous is normal. But it has two types. The good, or the bad one. The bad is when you are unable to speak at all. You just went blank. And the good is when you take it as a challenge and strive to give out your best. It is yourself that are capable in handling your nervousness. Do you remember your first days without the training wheels on your bike? Were you nervous? Were you even a little bit afraid? Did that fear make you hyper-focused?

    Was there someone holding on to your bike's seat, guiding you and cheering you on? When it comes to public speaking, do you find yourself nervous and maybe even afraid? Like that first experience on your bike, let me hold on the seat and help you learn. Let Your Nerves Work for You I am probably right when I say those few moments of being on a bicycle without training wheels were some of the most focused moments in your life. All your senses were ready to learn. Your nerves, in that case, were working for you. Nerves are not the enemy. I have been presenting public speaking courses for over two decades and I have never found a good speaker who was not nervous about their work.

    Notice that I wrote "a good speaker. What good are nerves and nervousness for the public speaker? Your nerves keep your energy level high and your focus sharp. Speaking with high energy while focused on your presentation benefits your audience. They are getting a speaker who is truly present to the subject they are presenting instead of someone who is spewing out just another average speech.

    Before going onstage, accept your nerves as part of being human, take several slow deep breaths, smile big and step onto the stage with energy and enthusiasm. When you were riding without the training wheels, were your family or friends standing on the sidewalk hoping you would fall off and hurt yourself?

    Washington has encountered the strongest and most lasting opposition, amounting at times to bitterness, and even today continuing strong and insistent even though largely silenced in outward expression by the public opinion of the nation. Some of this opposition is, of course, mere envy; the disappointment of displaced demagogues and the spite of narrow minds. But aside from this, there is among educated and thoughtful colored men in all parts of the land a feeling of deep regret, sorrow, and apprehension at the wide currency and ascendancy which some of Mr.

    Washington's theories have gained. These same men admire his sincerity of purpose, and are willing to forgive much to honest endeavor which is doing something worth the doing. They cooperate with Mr. Washington as far as they conscientiously can; and, indeed, it is no ordinary tribute to this man's tact and power that, steering as he must between so many diverse interests and opinions, he so largely retains the respect of all. But the hushing of the criticism of honest opponents is a dangerous thing.

    It leads some of the best of the critics to unfortunate silence and paralysis of effort, and others to burst into speech so passionately and intemperately as to lose listeners. Honest and earnest criticism from those whose interests are most nearly touched,—criticism of writers by readers,—this is the soul of democracy and the safeguard of modern society. If the best of the American Negroes receive by outer pressure a leader whom they had not recognized before, manifestly there is here a certain palpable gain.

    Yet there is also irreparable loss,—a loss of that peculiarly valuable education which a group receives when by search and criticism it finds and commissions its own leaders. The way in which this is done is at once the most elementary and the nicest problem of social growth. History is but the record of such group-leadership; and yet how infinitely changeful is its type and character! And of all types and kinds, what can be more instructive than the leadership of a group within a group?

    All this is the social student's inspiration and despair. Now in the past the American Negro has had instructive experience in the choosing of group leaders, founding thus a peculiar dynasty which in the light of present conditions is worth while studying. When sticks and stones and beasts form the sole environment of a people, their attitude is largely one of determined opposition to and conquest of natural forces. But when to earth and brute is added an environment of men and ideas, then the attitude of the imprisoned group may take three main forms,—a feeling of revolt and revenge; an attempt to adjust all thought and action to the will of the greater group; or, finally, a determined effort at self-realization and self-development despite environing opinion.

    The influence of all of these attitudes at various times can be traced in the history of the American Negro, and in the evolution of his successive leaders. Before , while the fire of African freedom still burned in the veins of the slaves, there was in all leadership or attempted leadership but the one motive of revolt and revenge,—typified in the terrible Maroons, the Danish blacks, and Cato of Stono, and veiling all the Americas in fear of insurrection.

    The liberalizing tendencies of the latter half of the eighteenth century brought, along with kindlier relations between black and white, thoughts of ultimate adjustment and assimilation. Such aspiration was especially voiced in the earnest songs of Phyllis, in the martyrdom of Attucks, the fighting of Salem and Poor, the intellectual accomplishments of Banneker and Derham, and the political demands of the Cuffes.

    Stern financial and social stress after the war cooled much of the previous humanitarian ardor. The disappointment and impatience of the Negroes at the persistence of slavery and serfdom voiced itself in two movements. The slaves in the South, aroused undoubtedly by vague rumors of the Haytian revolt, made three fierce attempts at insurrection,—in under Gabriel in Virginia, in under Vesey in Carolina, and in again in Virginia under the terrible Nat Turner. In the Free States, on the other hand, a new and curious attempt at self-development was made. In Philadelphia and New York color-prescription led to a withdrawal of Negro communicants from white churches and the formation of a peculiar socio-religious institution among the Negroes known as the African Church,—an organization still living and controlling in its various branches over a million of men.

    Walker's wild appeal against the trend of the times showed how the world was changing after the coming of the cotton-gin. By slavery seemed hopelessly fastened on the South, and the slaves thoroughly cowed into submission. The free Negroes of the North, inspired by the mulatto immigrants from the West Indies, began to change the basis of their demands; they recognized the slavery of slaves, but insisted that they themselves were freemen, and sought assimilation and amalgamation with the nation on the same terms with other men.

    Schemes of migration and colonization arose among them; but these they refused to entertain, and they eventually turned to the Abolition movement as a final refuge. Here, led by Remond, Nell, Wells-Brown, and Douglass, a new period of self-assertion and self-development dawned. To be sure, ultimate freedom and assimilation was the ideal before the leaders, but the assertion of the manhood rights of the Negro by himself was the main reliance, and John Brown's raid was the extreme of its logic. After the war and emancipation, the great form of Frederick Douglass, the greatest of American Negro leaders, still led the host.

    Self-assertion, especially in political lines, was the main programme, and behind Douglass came Elliot, Bruce, and Langston, and the Reconstruction politicians, and, less conspicuous but of greater social significance, Alexander Crummell and Bishop Daniel Payne. Then came the Revolution of , the suppression of the Negro votes, the changing and shifting of ideals, and the seeking of new lights in the great night.

    Douglass, in his old age, still bravely stood for the ideals of his early manhood,—ultimate assimilation through self-assertion, and on no other terms. For a time Price arose as a new leader, destined, it seemed, not to give up, but to re-state the old ideals in a form less repugnant to the white South. But he passed away in his prime. Then came the new leader. Nearly all the former ones had become leaders by the silent suffrage of their fellows, had sought to lead their own people alone, and were usually, save Douglass, little known outside their race.

    But Booker T. Washington arose as essentially the leader not of one race but of two,—a compromiser between the South, the North, and the Negro. Naturally the Negroes resented, at first bitterly, signs of compromise which surrendered their civil and political rights, even though this was to be exchanged for larger chances of economic development. The rich and dominating North, however, was not only weary of the race problem, but was investing largely in Southern enterprises, and welcomed any method of peaceful cooperation.

    Thus, by national opinion, the Negroes began to recognize Mr. Washington's leadership; and the voice of criticism was hushed. Washington represents in Negro thought the old attitude of adjustment and submission; but adjustment at such a peculiar time as to make his programme unique. This is an age of unusual economic development, and Mr. Washington's programme naturally takes an economic cast, becoming a gospel of Work and Money to such an extent as apparently almost completely to overshadow the higher aims of life.

    Moreover, this is an age when the more advanced races are coming in closer contact with the less developed races, and the race-feeling is therefore intensified; and Mr. Washington's programme practically accepts the alleged inferiority of the Negro races. Again, in our own land, the reaction from the sentiment of war time has given impetus to race-prejudice against Negroes, and Mr. Washington withdraws many of the high demands of Negroes as men and American citizens. In other periods of intensified prejudice all the Negro's tendency to self-assertion has been called forth; at this period a policy of submission is advocated.

    In the history of nearly all other races and peoples the doctrine preached at such crises has been that manly self-respect is worth more than lands and houses, and that a people who voluntarily surrender such respect, or cease striving for it, are not worth civilizing. In answer to this, it has been claimed that the Negro can survive only through submission. Washington distinctly asks that black people give up, at least for the present, three things,—. Third, higher education of Negro youth,—and concentrate all their energies on industrial education, and accumulation of wealth, and the conciliation of the South.

    This policy has been courageously and insistently advocated for over fifteen years, and has been triumphant for perhaps ten years. As a result of this tender of the palm-branch, what has been the return? In these years there have occurred:.

    Public Speaking Power

    These movements are not, to be sure, direct results of Mr. Washington's teachings; but his propaganda has, without a shadow of doubt, helped their speedier accomplishment. The question then comes: Is it possible, and probable, that nine millions of men can make effective progress in economic lines if they are deprived of political rights, made a servile caste, and allowed only the most meagre chance for developing their exceptional men? If history and reason give any distinct answer to these questions, it is an emphatic NO.

    And Mr. Washington thus faces the triple paradox of his career:. He is striving nobly to make Negro artisans business men and property-owners; but it is utterly impossible, under modern competitive methods, for workingmen and property-owners to defend their rights and exist without the right of suffrage. He insists on thrift and self-respect, but at the same time counsels a silent submission to civic inferiority such as is bound to sap the manhood of any race in the long run. He advocates common-school and industrial training, and depreciates institutions of higher learning; but neither the Negro common-schools, nor Tuskegee itself, could remain open a day were it not for teachers trained in Negro colleges, or trained by their graduates.

    This triple paradox in Mr. Washington's position is the object of criticism by two classes of colored Americans. One class is spiritually descended from Toussaint the Savior, through Gabriel, Vesey, and Turner, and they represent the attitude of revolt and revenge; they hate the white South blindly and distrust the white race generally, and so far as they agree on definite action, think that the Negro's only hope lies in emigration beyond the borders of the United States.

    And yet, by the irony of fate, nothing has more effectually made this programme seem hopeless than the recent course of the United States toward weaker and darker peoples in the West Indies, Hawaii, and the Philippines,—for where in the world may we go and be safe from lying and brute force?

    The other class of Negroes who cannot agree with Mr. Washington has hitherto said little aloud. They deprecate the sight of scattered counsels, of internal disagreement; and especially they dislike making their just criticism of a useful and earnest man an excuse for a general discharge of venom from small-minded opponents.

    Nevertheless, the questions involved are so fundamental and serious that it is difficult to see how men like the Grimkes, Kelly Miller, J. Bowen, and other representatives of this group, can much longer be silent. Such men feel in conscience bound to ask of this nation three things:.

    The education of youth according to ability. They acknowledge Mr. Washington's invaluable service in counselling patience and courtesy in such demands; they do not ask that ignorant black men vote when ignorant whites are debarred, or that any reasonable restrictions in the suffrage should not be applied; they know that the low social level of the mass of the race is responsible for much discrimination against it, but they also know, and the nation knows, that relentless color-prejudice is more often a cause than a result of the Negro's degradation; they seek the abatement of this relic of barbarism, and not its systematic encouragement and pampering by all agencies of social power from the Associated Press to the Church of Christ.

    They advocate, with Mr. Washington, a broad system of Negro common schools supplemented by thorough industrial training; but they are surprised that a man of Mr. Washington's insight cannot see that no such educational system ever has rested or can rest on any other basis than that of the well-equipped college and university, and they insist that there is a demand for a few such institutions throughout the South to train the best of the Negro youth as teachers, professional men, and leaders.

    This group of men honor Mr. Washington for his attitude of conciliation toward the white South; they accept the "Atlanta Compromise" in its broadest interpretation; they recognize, with him, many signs of promise, many men of high purpose and fair judgment, in this section; they know that no easy task has been laid upon a region already tottering under heavy burdens.

    But, nevertheless, they insist that the way to truth and right lies in straightforward honesty, not in indiscriminate flattery; in praising those of the South who do well and criticising uncompromisingly those who do ill; in taking advantage of the opportunities at hand and urging their fellows to do the same, but at the same time in remembering that only a firm adherence to their higher ideals and aspirations will ever keep those ideals within the realm of possibility.

    They do not expect that the free right to vote, to enjoy civic rights, and to be educated, will come in a moment; they do not expect to see the bias and prejudices of years disappear at the blast of a trumpet; but they are absolutely certain that the way for a people to gain their reasonable rights is not by voluntarily throwing them away and insisting that they do not want them; that the way for a people to gain respect is not by continually belittling and ridiculing themselves; that, on the contrary, Negroes must insist continually, in season and out of season, that voting is necessary to modern manhood, that color discrimination is barbarism, and that black boys need education as well as white boys.

    In failing thus to state plainly and unequivocally the legitimate demands of their people, even at the cost of opposing an honored leader, the thinking classes of American Negroes would shirk a heavy responsibility,—a responsibility to themselves, a responsibility to the struggling masses, a responsibility to the darker races of men whose future depends so largely on this American experiment, but especially a responsibility to this nation,—this common Fatherland.

    It is wrong to encourage a man or a people in evil-doing; it is wrong to aid and abet a national crime simply because it is unpopular not to do so. The growing spirit of kindliness and reconciliation between the North and South after the frightful difference of a generation ago ought to be a source of deep congratulation to all, and especially to those whose mistreatment caused the war; but if that reconciliation is to be marked by the industrial slavery and civic death of those same black men, with permanent legislation into a position of inferiority, then those black men, if they are really men, are called upon by every consideration of patriotism and loyalty to oppose such a course by all civilized methods, even though such opposition involves disagreement with Mr.

    We have no right to sit silently by while the inevitable seeds are sown for a harvest of disaster to our children, black and white. First, it is the duty of black men to judge the South discriminatingly. The present generation of Southerners are not responsible for the past, and they should not be blindly hated or blamed for it. Furthermore, to no class is the indiscriminate endorsement of the recent course of the South toward Negroes more nauseating than to the best thought of the South.

    The South is not "solid"; it is a land in the ferment of social change, wherein forces of all kinds are fighting for supremacy; and to praise the ill the South is today perpetrating is just as wrong as to condemn the good. Discriminating and broad-minded criticism is what the South needs,—needs it for the sake of her own white sons and daughters, and for the insurance of robust, healthy mental and moral development.

    Today even the attitude of the Southern whites toward the blacks is not, as so many assume, in all cases the same; the ignorant Southerner hates the Negro, the workingmen fear his competition, the money-makers wish to use him as a laborer, some of the educated see a menace in his upward development, while others—usually the sons of the masters—wish to help him to rise. National opinion has enabled this last class to maintain the Negro common schools, and to protect the Negro partially in property, life, and limb. Through the pressure of the money-makers, the Negro is in danger of being reduced to semi-slavery, especially in the country districts; the workingmen, and those of the educated who fear the Negro, have united to disfranchise him, and some have urged his deportation; while the passions of the ignorant are easily aroused to lynch and abuse any black man.

    To praise this intricate whirl of thought and prejudice is nonsense; to inveigh indiscriminately against "the South" is unjust; but to use the same breath in praising Governor Aycock, exposing Senator Morgan, arguing with Mr. Thomas Nelson Page, and denouncing Senator Ben Tillman, is not only sane, but the imperative duty of thinking black men. It would be unjust to Mr. Washington not to acknowledge that in several instances he has opposed movements in the South which were unjust to the Negro; he sent memorials to the Louisiana and Alabama constitutional conventions, he has spoken against lynching, and in other ways has openly or silently set his influence against sinister schemes and unfortunate happenings.

    Notwithstanding this, it is equally true to assert that on the whole the distinct impression left by Mr. Washington's propaganda is, first, that the South is justified in its present attitude toward the Negro because of the Negro's degradation; secondly, that the prime cause of the Negro's failure to rise more quickly is his wrong education in the past; and, thirdly, that his future rise depends primarily on his own efforts.

    Each of these propositions is a dangerous half-truth. The supplementary truths must never be lost sight of: first, slavery and race-prejudice are potent if not sufficient causes of the Negro's position; second, industrial and common-school training were necessarily slow in planting because they had to await the black teachers trained by higher institutions,—it being extremely doubtful if any essentially different development was possible, and certainly a Tuskegee was unthinkable before ; and, third, while it is a great truth to say that the Negro must strive and strive mightily to help himself, it is equally true that unless his striving be not simply seconded, but rather aroused and encouraged, by the initiative of the richer and wiser environing group, he cannot hope for great success.

    In his failure to realize and impress this last point, Mr. Washington is especially to be criticised. His doctrine has tended to make the whites, North and South, shift the burden of the Negro problem to the Negro's shoulders and stand aside as critical and rather pessimistic spectators; when in fact the burden belongs to the nation, and the hands of none of us are clean if we bend not our energies to righting these great wrongs.

    The South ought to be led, by candid and honest criticism, to assert her better self and do her full duty to the race she has cruelly wronged and is still wronging. The North—her co-partner in guilt—cannot salve her conscience by plastering it with gold. We cannot settle this problem by diplomacy and suaveness, by "policy" alone. If worse come to worst, can the moral fibre of this country survive the slow throttling and murder of nine millions of men?

    The black men of America have a duty to perform, a duty stern and delicate,—a forward movement to oppose a part of the work of their greatest leader. So far as Mr. Washington preaches Thrift, Patience, and Industrial Training for the masses, we must hold up his hands and strive with him, rejoicing in his honors and glorying in the strength of this Joshua called of God and of man to lead the headless host.

    But so far as Mr. Washington apologizes for injustice, North or South, does not rightly value the privilege and duty of voting, belittles the emasculating effects of caste distinctions, and opposes the higher training and ambition of our brighter minds,—so far as he, the South, or the Nation, does this,—we must unceasingly and firmly oppose them. By every civilized and peaceful method we must strive for the rights which the world accords to men, clinging unwaveringly to those great words which the sons of the Fathers would fain forget: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

    Deine Geister sende aus! Die Unsterblichen, die Reinen, Die nicht fuhlen, die nicht weinen! Nicht die zarte Jungfrau wahle, Nicht der Hirtin weiche Seele! Once upon a time I taught school in the hills of Tennessee, where the broad dark vale of the Mississippi begins to roll and crumple to greet the Alleghanies. I was a Fisk student then, and all Fisk men thought that Tennessee—beyond the Veil—was theirs alone, and in vacation time they sallied forth in lusty bands to meet the county school-commissioners.

    Young and happy, I too went, and I shall not soon forget that summer, seventeen years ago. First, there was a Teachers' Institute at the county-seat; and there distinguished guests of the superintendent taught the teachers fractions and spelling and other mysteries,—white teachers in the morning, Negroes at night. A picnic now and then, and a supper, and the rough world was softened by laughter and song. I remember how— But I wander. There came a day when all the teachers left the Institute and began the hunt for schools.

    I learn from hearsay for my mother was mortally afraid of firearms that the hunting of ducks and bears and men is wonderfully interesting, but I am sure that the man who has never hunted a country school has something to learn of the pleasures of the chase. I see now the white, hot roads lazily rise and fall and wind before me under the burning July sun; I feel the deep weariness of heart and limb as ten, eight, six miles stretch relentlessly ahead; I feel my heart sink heavily as I hear again and again, "Got a teacher?

    Sprinkled over hill and dale lay cabins and farmhouses, shut out from the world by the forests and the rolling hills toward the east. There I found at last a little school. Josie told me of it; she was a thin, homely girl of twenty, with a dark-brown face and thick, hard hair. I had crossed the stream at Watertown, and rested under the great willows; then I had gone to the little cabin in the lot where Josie was resting on her way to town.

    The gaunt farmer made me welcome, and Josie, hearing my errand, told me anxiously that they wanted a school over the hill; that but once since the war had a teacher been there; that she herself longed to learn,—and thus she ran on, talking fast and loud, with much earnestness and energy. Next morning I crossed the tall round hill, lingered to look at the blue and yellow mountains stretching toward the Carolinas, then plunged into the wood, and came out at Josie's home.

    It was a dull frame cottage with four rooms, perched just below the brow of the hill, amid peach-trees. The father was a quiet, simple soul, calmly ignorant, with no touch of vulgarity. The mother was different,—strong, bustling, and energetic, with a quick, restless tongue, and an ambition to live "like folks. Two boys had gone away. There remained two growing girls; a shy midget of eight; John, tall, awkward, and eighteen; Jim, younger, quicker, and better looking; and two babies of indefinite age.

    Then there was Josie herself. She seemed to be the centre of the family: always busy at service, or at home, or berry-picking; a little nervous and inclined to scold, like her mother, yet faithful, too, like her father. She had about her a certain fineness, the shadow of an unconscious moral heroism that would willingly give all of life to make life broader, deeper, and fuller for her and hers. I saw much of this family afterwards, and grew to love them for their honest efforts to be decent and comfortable, and for their knowledge of their own ignorance. There was with them no affectation.

    The mother would scold the father for being so "easy"; Josie would roundly berate the boys for carelessness; and all knew that it was a hard thing to dig a living out of a rocky side-hill. I secured the school. I remember the day I rode horseback out to the commissioner's house with a pleasant young white fellow who wanted the white school. The road ran down the bed of a stream; the sun laughed and the water jingled, and we rode on.

    Have a seat. Yes, that certificate will do. Stay to dinner. What do you want a month? The schoolhouse was a log hut, where Colonel Wheeler used to shelter his corn. It sat in a lot behind a rail fence and thorn bushes, near the sweetest of springs. There was an entrance where a door once was, and within, a massive rickety fireplace; great chinks between the logs served as windows.

    Furniture was scarce. A pale blackboard crouched in the corner. My desk was made of three boards, reinforced at critical points, and my chair, borrowed from the landlady, had to be returned every night. Seats for the children—these puzzled me much. I was haunted by a New England vision of neat little desks and chairs, but, alas! They had the one virtue of making naps dangerous,—possibly fatal, for the floor was not to be trusted. It was a hot morning late in July when the school opened. I trembled when I heard the patter of little feet down the dusty road, and saw the growing row of dark solemn faces and bright eager eyes facing me.

    First came Josie and her brothers and sisters. The longing to know, to be a student in the great school at Nashville, hovered like a star above this child-woman amid her work and worry, and she studied doggedly. There were the Dowells from their farm over toward Alexandria,—Fanny, with her smooth black face and wondering eyes; Martha, brown and dull; the pretty girl-wife of a brother, and the younger brood. There were the Burkes,—two brown and yellow lads, and a tiny haughty-eyed girl. Fat Reuben's little chubby girl came, with golden face and old-gold hair, faithful and solemn.

    When her mother could spare her, 'Tildy came,—a midnight beauty, with starry eyes and tapering limbs; and her brother, correspondingly homely. And then the big boys,—the hulking Lawrences; the lazy Neills, unfathered sons of mother and daughter; Hickman, with a stoop in his shoulders; and the rest.

    There they sat, nearly thirty of them, on the rough benches, their faces shading from a pale cream to a deep brown, the little feet bare and swinging, the eyes full of expectation, with here and there a twinkle of mischief, and the hands grasping Webster's blue-black spelling-book. I loved my school, and the fine faith the children had in the wisdom of their teacher was truly marvellous.

    We read and spelled together, wrote a little, picked flowers, sang, and listened to stories of the world beyond the hill. At times the school would dwindle away, and I would start out. I would visit Mun Eddings, who lived in two very dirty rooms, and ask why little Lugene, whose flaming face seemed ever ablaze with the dark-red hair uncombed, was absent all last week, or why I missed so often the inimitable rags of Mack and Ed. Then the father, who worked Colonel Wheeler's farm on shares, would tell me how the crops needed the boys; and the thin, slovenly mother, whose face was pretty when washed, assured me that Lugene must mind the baby.

    On Friday nights I often went home with some of the children,—sometimes to Doc Burke's farm. He was a great, loud, thin Black, ever working, and trying to buy the seventy-five acres of hill and dale where he lived; but people said that he would surely fail, and the "white folks would get it all. They lived in a one-and-a-half-room cabin in the hollow of the farm, near the spring. The front room was full of great fat white beds, scrupulously neat; and there were bad chromos on the walls, and a tired centre-table. In the tiny back kitchen I was often invited to "take out and help" myself to fried chicken and wheat biscuit, "meat" and corn pone, string-beans and berries.

    At first I used to be a little alarmed at the approach of bedtime in the one lone bedroom, but embarrassment was very deftly avoided. First, all the children nodded and slept, and were stowed away in one great pile of goose feathers; next, the mother and the father discreetly slipped away to the kitchen while I went to bed; then, blowing out the dim light, they retired in the dark. In the morning all were up and away before I thought of awaking.

    Across the road, where fat Reuben lived, they all went outdoors while the teacher retired, because they did not boast the luxury of a kitchen. I liked to stay with the Dowells, for they had four rooms and plenty of good country fare. Uncle Bird had a small, rough farm, all woods and hills, miles from the big road; but he was full of tales,—he preached now and then,—and with his children, berries, horses, and wheat he was happy and prosperous.

    Often, to keep the peace, I must go where life was less lovely; for instance, 'Tildy's mother was incorrigibly dirty, Reuben's larder was limited seriously, and herds of untamed insects wandered over the Eddingses' beds. Best of all I loved to go to Josie's, and sit on the porch, eating peaches, while the mother bustled and talked: how Josie had bought the sewing-machine; how Josie worked at service in winter, but that four dollars a month was "mighty little" wages; how Josie longed to go away to school, but that it "looked like" they never could get far enough ahead to let her; how the crops failed and the well was yet unfinished; and, finally, how "mean" some of the white folks were.

    For two summers I lived in this little world; it was dull and humdrum. The girls looked at the hill in wistful longing, and the boys fretted and haunted Alexandria. Alexandria was "town,"—a straggling, lazy village of houses, churches, and shops, and an aristocracy of Toms, Dicks, and Captains. Cuddled on the hill to the north was the village of the colored folks, who lived in three- or four-room unpainted cottages, some neat and homelike, and some dirty.

    The dwellings were scattered rather aimlessly, but they centred about the twin temples of the hamlet, the Methodist, and the Hard-Shell Baptist churches. These, in turn, leaned gingerly on a sad-colored schoolhouse.